This reading is available in two formats: standard and modified. The modified version has been edited to support use in the unit Teaching Holocaust and Human Behavior.

From the start, Adolf Hitler and his fellow Nazis were determined to resolve the so-called “Jewish question.” In Hitler’s words, Nazi leaders were to bring it up “again and again and again, unceasingly. Every emotional aversion, however slight, must be exploited ruthlessly.” Julius Streicher, the publisher of an antisemitic newspaper known as Der Stürmer (the word means “attacker”), led the way in creating that kind of propaganda, claiming:

The same Jew who plunged the German people into the bloodletting of the World War, and who committed on it the crime of the November Revolution [Weimar Republic] is now engaged in stabbing Germany, recovering from its shame and misery, in the back. . . . The Jew is again engaged in poisoning public opinion.1

Propaganda was not the only weapon the Nazis used against the Jews. They also relied on terror. On March 9, 1933, just a few days after the elections, Nazi SA storm troopers in Berlin imprisoned dozens of Jewish immigrants from eastern Europe. In Breslau, they attacked Jewish lawyers and judges. On March 13 in Mannheim, they forced Jewish shopkeepers to close their doors. In other towns, they broke into Jewish homes and beat up the people living there.

SA members in 1933 stand in front of a barricaded Jewish shop, holding signs in both German and English that urge the boycott of Jewish businesses.

Although these events were rarely reported in the German press, the foreign press wrote about them regularly. In the United States, many Jews and non-Jews were outraged by the violence. Some called for a boycott of German goods. Their outburst gave the Nazis an excuse for a “defensive action against the Jewish world criminal” on April 1, 1933.

That action—a boycott of Jewish-owned businesses—was the first major public event that specifically targeted Jews not as Communists or Social Democrats but as Jews. It was not a huge success. In some places, Germans showed their disapproval of the boycott by making a point of shopping at Jewish-owned stores on April 1.

Even in places where the boycott took place as planned, the Nazis quickly discovered that it was not always easy to decide if a business was Jewish-owned. There was no legal definition of who was a Jew and who was not. Also, many Jews had non-Jewish business partners, and nearly all had non-Jewish employees. Were those businesses to be closed as well? For example, Tietz, a chain of department stores in Berlin owned by Jews, had more than 14,000 employees, almost all of whom were non-Jews. At a time when unemployment was high and the economy fragile, did the Nazis really want to put those workers out of a job? In the end, the Nazis allowed Tietz to remain open—at least for the time being. A few years later, the owners were forced to turn over their stores to “Aryan” businessmen.

The boycott did succeed, however, in one of its goals: it terrorized Jews throughout Germany. Edwin Landau described what it was like in his hometown in West Prussia. On the Friday before the boycott, he recalled, “one saw the SA [storm troopers] marching through the city with its banners: ‘The Jews are our misfortune.’ ‘Against the Jewish atrocity propaganda abroad.’” He wrote about the day of the boycott:

In the morning hours the Nazi guards began to place themselves in front of the Jewish shops and factories, and every shopper was warned not to buy from the Jews. In front of our business, also, two young Nazis posted themselves and prevented customers from entering. To me the whole thing seemed inconceivable. It would not sink in that something like that could even be possible in the twentieth century, for such things had happened, at most, in the Middle Ages. And yet it was the bitter truth that outside, in front of the door, there stood two boys in brown shirts, Hitler’s executives.

And for this nation we young Jews had once stood in the trenches in cold and rain, and spilled our blood to protect the land from the enemy. Was there no comrade any more from those days who was sickened by these goings-on? One saw them pass by on the street, among them quite a few for whom one had done a good turn. They had a smile on their face that betrayed their malicious pleasure. . . .

I took my war decorations, put them on, went into the street, and visited Jewish shops, where at first I was also stopped. But I was seething inside, and most of all I would have liked to shout my hatred into the faces of the barbarians. Hatred, hatred—when had it become a part of me? — It was only a few hours ago that a change had occurred within me. This land and this people that until now I had loved and treasured had suddenly become my enemy. So I was not a German anymore, or I was no longer supposed to be one. That, of course, cannot be settled in a few hours. But one thing I felt immediately: I was ashamed that I had once belonged to this people. I was ashamed about the trust that I had given to so many who now revealed themselves as my enemies. Suddenly the street, too, seemed alien to me; indeed, the whole town had become alien to me. Words do not exist to describe the feelings that I experienced in those hours. Having arrived at home, I approached the one guard whom I knew and who also knew me, and I said to him: “When you were still in your diapers I was already fighting out there for this country.” He answered: “You should not reproach me for my youth, sir . . . I’ve been ordered to stand here.” I looked at his young face and thought, he’s right. Poor, misguided young people!2

Citations

  • 1 Quoted in Nora Levin, The Holocaust: The Destruction of European Jewry 1933–1945 (New York: Schocken, 1973), 46.
  • 2 Edwin Landau, “My Life before and after Hitler,” in Jewish Life in Germany: Memoirs from Three Centuries, ed. Monika Richarz, trans. Stella P. Rosenfeld and Sidney Rosenfeld (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991), 310–12.

From the start, Adolf Hitler and his fellow Nazis were determined to resolve the so-called “Jewish question.” In Hitler’s words, Nazi leaders were to bring it up “again and again and again, unceasingly. Every emotional aversion, however slight, must be exploited ruthlessly.” Julius Streicher, the publisher of an antisemitic newspaper known as Der Stürmer (the word means “attacker”), led the way in creating that kind of propaganda, claiming:

The same Jew who plunged the German people into the bloodletting of the World War, and who committed on it the crime of the November Revolution [Weimar Republic,] is now engaged in stabbing Germany, recovering from its shame and misery, in the back . . . . The Jew is again engaged in poisoning public opinion.1

Propaganda was not the only weapon the Nazis used against the Jews. They also relied on terror. On March 9, 1933, just a few days after the elections, Nazi SA storm troopers in Berlin imprisoned dozens of Jewish immigrants from eastern Europe. In Breslau, they attacked Jewish lawyers and judges. On March 13 in Mannheim, they forced Jewish shopkeepers to close their doors. In other towns, they broke into Jewish homes and beat up the people living there.

Although these events were rarely reported in the German press, the foreign press wrote about them regularly. In the United States, many Jews and non-Jews were outraged by the violence. Some called for a boycott of German goods. Their outburst gave the Nazis an excuse for a “defensive action against the Jewish world criminal” on April 1, 1933.

That action—a boycott of Jewish-owned businesses—was the first major public event that specifically targeted Jews not as Communists or Social Democrats but as Jews. It was not a huge success. In some places, Germans showed their disapproval of the boycott by making a point of shopping at Jewish-owned stores on April 1.

Even in places where the boycott took place as planned, the Nazis quickly discovered that it was not always easy to decide if a business was Jewish-owned. There was no legal definition of who was a Jew and who was not. Also, many Jews had non-Jewish business partners, and nearly all had non-Jewish employees. Were those businesses to be closed as well? For example, Tietz, a chain of department stores in Berlin owned by Jews, had more than 14,000 employees, almost all of whom were non-Jews. At a time when unemployment was high and the economy fragile, did the Nazis really want to put those workers out of a job? In the end, the Nazis allowed Tietz to remain open—at least for the time being. A few years later, the owners were forced to turn over their stores to “Aryan” businessmen.

The boycott did succeed, however, in one of its goals: it terrorized Jews throughout Germany. Edwin Landau described what it was like in his hometown in West Prussia. On the Friday before the boycott, he recalled, “one saw the SA [storm troopers] marching through the city with its banners: ‘The Jews are our misfortune.’ ‘Against the Jewish atrocity propaganda abroad.’” He wrote about the day of the boycott:

I took my war decorations, put them on, went into the street, and visited Jewish shops, where at first I was also stopped. But I was seething inside, and most of all I would have liked to shout my hatred into the faces of the barbarians. Hatred, hatred—when had it become a part of me? — It was only a few hours ago that a change had occurred within me. This land and this people that until now I had loved and treasured had suddenly become my enemy. So I was not a German anymore, or I was no longer supposed to be one. That, of course, cannot be settled in a few hours. But one thing I felt immediately: I was ashamed that I had once belonged to this people. I was ashamed about the trust that I had given to so many who now revealed themselves as my enemies. Suddenly the street, too, seemed alien to me; indeed, the whole town had become alien to me. Words do not exist to describe the feelings that I experienced in those hours. Having arrived at home, I approached the one guard whom I knew and who also knew me, and I said to him: “When you were still in your diapers I was already fighting out there for this country.” He answered: “You should not reproach me for my youth, sir . . . I’ve been ordered to stand here.” I looked at his young face and thought, he’s right. Poor, misguided young people!2

Citations

  • 1 : Quoted in Nora Levin, The Holocaust: The Destruction of European Jewry 1933–1945 (New York: Schocken, 1973), 46.
  • 2 : Edwin Landau, “My Life before and after Hitler,” in Jewish Life in Germany: Memoirs from Three Centuries, ed. Monika Richarz, trans. Stella P. Rosenfeld and Sidney Rosenfeld (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991), 310–12.

Enfocándose en los Judíos

Desde el principio, Adolf Hitler y sus copartidarios nazis estaban decididos a resolver la llamada “cuestión judía”. En palabras de Hitler, los líderes nazis debían traerla a colación “una y otra vez, incesantemente. Cada aversión emocional, aunque fuera mínima, debía ser explotada sin compasión”. Julius Streicher, el editor de un periódico antisemita conocido como Der Stürmer (que significa “atacante”), marcó el camino al crear esa clase de propaganda, argumentando:

Los mismos judíos que metieron de lleno al pueblo alemán en la carnicería de la Guerra Mundial, y quienes perpetraron durante la misma la Revolución de Noviembre [República de Weimar], ahora están dedicados a apuñalar a Alemania, que se recupera de su vergüenza y miseria… De nuevo, el pueblo judío está dedicado a envenenar la opinión pública.1

La propaganda no fue la única arma que usaron los nazis contra los judíos; también contaban con el terror. El 9 de marzo de 1933, pocos días después de las elecciones, las tropas de asalto de las SA nazis en Berlín encarcelaron docenas de judíos inmigrantes de Europa Oriental. En Breslavia, atacaron a los abogados y jueces judíos. El 13 de marzo, en Mannheim, obligaron a los comerciantes judíos a cerrar sus negocios. En otros pueblos, irrumpieron en los hogares judíos y golpearon a las personas que vivían allí.

Aunque estos eventos rara vez se denunciaban en la prensa alemana, la prensa extranjera escribía al respecto con frecuencia. En los Estados Unidos, muchos judíos y no judíos se sentían indignados por la violencia. Algunos hacían llamados para boicotear los bienes alemanes. Su arrebato les dio la excusa a los nazis para emprender una “acción defensiva contra el delincuente mundial judío” el 1.º de abril de 1933.

Dicha medida—el boicot a los negocios de judíos—fue el primer evento público grave que se enfocaba solo en los judíos, no por ser comunistas ni socialdemócratas sino por ser judíos. No fue un éxito rotundo. En algunos lugares, los alemanes evidenciaron su desaprobación del boicot insistiendo en comprar en negocios de judíos el 1.º de abril.

Incluso en lugares donde el boicot se dio como estaba planeado, los nazis rápidamente descubrieron que no siempre era fácil decidir si un negocio era propiedad de judíos. No había una definición jurídica para saber quién era judío y quién no. Además, muchos judíos tenían socios que no eran judíos y, casi todos, tenían empleados que no eran judíos. ¿Esos negocios también fueron cerrados? Por ejemplo, Tietz, una cadena de almacenes en Berlín de propietarios judíos, tenía más de 14,000 empleados, casi ninguno era judío. En una época en la que el desempleo era alto y la economía frágil, ¿los nazis realmente querían dejar a esos empleados sin un trabajo? Finalmente, los nazis le permitieron a Tietz permanecer abierto, por lo menos por un tiempo. Unos años más tarde, obligaron a los propietarios a entregar sus almacenes a comerciantes “arios”.

No obstante, el boicot tuvo éxito en una de sus metas: aterrorizó a los judíos de toda Alemania. Edwin Landau describió cómo se vivía esta situación en su pueblo, en el oeste de Prusia. El viernes anterior al boicot, recuerda: “uno veía a las SA [tropas de asalto] marchando por la ciudad con sus estandartes: ‘Los judíos son nuestra desgracia’. ‘Contra la propaganda de atrocidades judías en el extranjero’”. Además, escribió sobre el día del boicot:

Cogí mis condecoraciones de guerra, me las puse, salí a la calle y visité negocios de judíos, donde, inicialmente, me detuvieron. Pero, por dentro, estaba furioso y, sobre todo, me hubiera gustado gritar mi odio en las caras de los bárbaros. Odio, odio, ¿cuándo se había vuelto una parte de mí? Hacía apenas unas horas se había producido un cambio dentro de mí. Esta tierra y esta gente que, hasta este momento había querido y apreciado, de pronto, se había convertido en mi enemiga. Entonces, ya no era un alemán, o ya no se suponía que fuera uno. Eso, por supuesto, no puede resolverse en unas pocas horas. Sin embargo, hubo algo que sentí de inmediato: me sentí avergonzado de haber pertenecido a este pueblo alguna vez; me sentí avergonzado por la confianza que alguna vez les había dado a tantos que ahora se habían declarado en mi contra. De repente, la calle también me parecía extraña; de hecho, todo el pueblo se había vuelto ajeno para mí. No existen palabras para describir las sensaciones que experimenté durante esas horas. Al llegar a casa, me acerqué a un guardia a quien conocía y quien me conocía, y le dije: “Cuando usted aún estaba en pañales, yo ya estaba luchando allá afuera por nuestro país”. Respondió: “No debería reprocharme por ser joven, señor… Me ordenaron pararme aquí”. Miré ese rostro joven y pensé: tiene razón. ¡Pobre y equivocada juventud! 2

Citations

  • 1 : Citado por Nora Levin en The Holocaust: The Destruction of European Jewry 1933–1945 (Nueva York: Schocken, 1973), 46.
  • 2 : Edwin Landau, “My Life before and after Hitler”, en Jewish Life in Germany: Memoirs from Three Centuries, ed. Monika Richarz, traducido al inglés por Stella P. Rosenfeld y Sidney Rosenfeld (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1991), 310–12.

Connection Questions

  1. What was the Nazis’ goal in calling for the boycott? Did it succeed? Why or why not?
  2. Make a list of choices you think ordinary Germans could have made in response to the boycott. What might have been the consequences of ignoring the boycott? What might have influenced people to go along with the boycott?
  3. What do you think the Nazis learned from the boycott about the attitudes of the German public toward Jews? What do you think they learned about the willingness of the public to obey Nazi policies?
  4. When might a boycott be used to express disapproval or to resist a particular policy or practice? In what ways was the boycott of Jewish businesses in Germany different?
  5. How did the boycott affect the way Edwin Landau thought about his identity?

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